Elamaram Kareem, CITU General Secretary, writes to Mallikarjun Kharge, President of Indian National Congress, urging him to intervene and stop the Congress-led Karnataka Government from implementing Labour Codes. The Codes are opposed by trade unions nationwide for favouring corporate interests and undermining workers' rights. Karnataka's move contradicts opposition unity and the stand taken by Kerala. CITU appeals to Kharge to ensure Karnataka Government withdraws the draft rules immediately.

 3^rd February 2026

To

Shri Mallikarjun Kharge
President,
Indian National Congress,

Sub: Urgent intervention sought on Karnataka Government's move to implement Labour Codes-Reg.

Dear Kharge Ji,

I am writing to you in the context of the All India General Strike on 12^th February 2026, which has been jointly called by 10 Central Trade Unions, including INTUC, against the anti-people and anti-labour policies of the Union Government.  The prime demand raised by Joint T.U. Action Committee is to withdraw 4 Labour Coes.  It is in this critical backdrop of  united nationwide resistance that the decision of the Congress led Karnataka State Government to notify draft rules for the implementation of the Labour Codes, has caused wide spread anger, shock, and resentment among the working class and trade unions across the country.

The General strike has been necessitated by the Union Government’s relentless pursuit of policies that favour corporate interest at the cost of workers rights.  The core and no negotiable demand of this historic struggle in the repeal of the four Labour Codes, which comprehensively dismantle the hard earned rights of the working class, which were won through decades of struggle.  These Codes facilitate unfettered corporate exploitation by weakening collective bargaining, diluting job security, curtailing the right to strike, curbing the right to form trade unions and undermining basic protection and welfare measures for workers.  The Union Government is aggressively proceeding with the notification of rules under these codes, reducing public consultation to mere formality, with no objection from trade unions being considered.

The entire opposition, including the Indian National Congress, have been consistently opposing, inside and outside Parliament, the bulldozing of anti-people legislations by the BJP led Union Government, standing firmly with the working people of the country.  State like Kerala have taken principled position and are fighting in the fore front for workers’ rights.  Kerala has categorically declared that it will not implement the Labour Codes in the state.  The LDF Government of Kerala had convened a Labour Conclave to explore legal avenue to resist them and constituted a high level committee under the Chairmanship of Justice(Rtd) Gopal Gowda, to examine Constitutional remarks.

It is therefore, extremely disturbing and unfortunate that the Congress led Government in Karnataka has initiated steps to implement these draconian Labour Codes.  At a time when even several BJP rules states have not proceeded with framing draft rules, the Karnataka Government has already notified draft rules, directly contradicting the united resistance of trade unions and the collective stand of the opposition.

This move is against the spirit of opposition unity, undermines, the nationwide united struggle of trade unions, and is viewed by working class as a serious- betrayal of workers interests across the country. In the larger interests of the working class, and to uphold the principled stand taken by the united trade union movement against Labour Codes, we urgently appeal to you to intervene and ensure that the Karnataka Government withdraws or freezes the draft rules notified under the Labour Codes immediately.  You may note that this is not merely an administrative issue.  Rather it is a test of political consistency, credibility, and commitment to the people of India.

An urgent corrective action at your end will go a long way in restoring confidence among the working class and reinforcing the unity of the opposition in resisting these anti-worker legislations.

We look forward to your prompt and decisive intervention.

With warm regards.
Yours sincerely,
(Elamaram Kareem)
General Secretary                                 

The Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) and All India Agricultural Workers Union (AIAWU) jointly call upon the working class, peasants, and agricultural and rural workers of the country to intensify united resistance against the multi-pronged attack of the BJP-led Union Government on workers’ rights, peasants’ livelihoods, public assets and national sovereignty, and to march resolutely towards the nationwide General Strike on 12th February 2026.

The Joint Platform of Central Trade Unions (CTUs) and Sectoral Federations/Associations has resolved to call a one-day General Strike on 12th February 2026 against the imposition of the draconian Labour Codes and the broader assault on democratic rights and social entitlements. The strike call has been unconditionally supported by the Samyukt Kisan Morcha and the platform of Agricultural Workers’ Organisations.

CITU, AIKS and AIAWU express grave concern over the series of anti-people legislations and policy measures pushed by the Union Government. The Central Government has notified four Labour Codes, which will effectively snatch away the rights to association, strike and collective bargaining of the majority of Indian workers. The replacement of MGNREGA with the Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Act, 2025 dismantles a rights-based employment guarantee, shifts fiscal responsibility to the States, bans work during harvest seasons to ensure cheap labour, and deepens rural distress. The decision to allow 100 per cent FDI in the insurance sector, the proposed Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan Bill, the Draft Seed Bill, and the Draft Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2025 together represent a direct attack on agriculture, education, electricity consumers and public sector institutions. The SHANTI Act opens the highly hazardous nuclear power sector to private and foreign profiteers while absolving suppliers of liability in case of accidents, posing a serious threat to nuclear safety and national sovereignty.

CITU, AIKS and AIAWU, jointly along with other national- and state-level organisations, are in continuous struggle against these policy attacks. In the midst of this, several developments have taken place that have had a further detrimental impact on the lives and livelihoods of the people. The Union Budget 2026–27, which has been presented, is anti-people and blatantly pro-corporate. While the Economic Survey itself acknowledges severe global and domestic challenges, the Budget has failed to take any concrete steps to address them and remains virtually silent on the urgent realities of unemployment, hunger and falling real incomes. It continues to shift the burden of the crisis onto workers and peasants through regressive taxation, reduced welfare spending and intensified privatisation, while extending massive concessions to corporates and foreign capital.

Welfare and subsidy allocations for agriculture, rural development, education, health, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, women and the North-Eastern region have been cut or stagnated. Gig and unorganised workers have been ignored, while public sector enterprises are squeezed for higher dividends and pushed towards privatisation. This Budget deepens inequality, suppresses demand and worsens the crisis of livelihoods.

CITU, AIKS and AIAWU also strongly oppose the government’s pursuit of secretive and pro-imperialist trade deals, including the recent India–US, India–EU and India–UK negotiations, which threaten agriculture, industry, employment and policy autonomy. These agreements are being advanced without transparency, parliamentary scrutiny or consultation with stakeholders, and will further expose Indian workers and peasants to global corporate domination. The opening of agriculture to the United States may prove to be the deadliest attack on the peasantry of our country. The India–US Trade Deal is also an attack on national sovereignty and security.

CITU, AIKS and AIAWU call upon workers, peasants, agricultural labourers, youth, students and all democratic forces to intensify the united campaign against these anti-worker, anti-farmer and anti-people policies, and to organise gate meetings, village meetings, conventions and mass protests on 9th and 10th February.

Indian workers, farmers and agricultural workers will assemble at more than 1,000 locations in large numbers and demonstrate the largest mobilisation ever. The 12th February 2026 General Strike will be the most powerful expression of resistance to defend livelihoods, democratic rights and national sovereignty.

Issued jointly by:

Elamaram Kareem     Vijoo Krishnan          B Venkat
CITU                           AIKS                          AIAWU   

The Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) records its vehement opposition to the proposed changes in the methodology for calculation of the Consumer Price Index (CPI), as these changes systematically convert CPI from a class-specific cost-of-living index into a macroeconomic statistical jugglery and directly undermine wage and income protection of workers, pensioners and all wage-dependent sections. CPI, particularly the CPI for Industrial Workers (CPI-IW), was evolved to measure how rising prices affect the minimum living requirements of workers. However, the present methodological direction prioritises pro-corporate monetary policy frameworks guided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), while completely ignoring the bread-and-butter issues of workers. This represents a heinous structurally distorted alteration with far-reaching implications.

This change fundamentally alters the very purpose of CPI and renders it inappropriate for wage indexation and Dearness Allowance (DA), which are meant to protect workers against price rise, not to serve fiscal or monetary convenience. CITU’s opposition is not rooted in abstract technical disagreement, but in the concrete and adverse consequences of the revised methodology for working-class households.

The CPI is proposed to be revised by the Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation (MoSPI) based on the recommendations of an Expert Group headed by Ashish Kumar, which met 13 times between April 2023 and December 2025 and submitted its report on 29 January 2026, without holding any consultation with workers’ representatives or Central Trade Unions, thereby exposing its biased and exclusionary approach. CITU urges the Union Government to put on hold the implementation of the new CPI series proposed to be announced on 12th February 2026 and to convene consultations with the Central Trade Unions to evolve a consensus on the new series.

CITU opposes the revision of the consumption basket and weights based on aggregated household consumption surveys that dilute the consumption pattern of workers. Earlier CPI baskets reflected observed working-class consumption, whereas the new basket is derived from recent household consumption surveys that under-represent informal workers and reflect averaged consumption across all income classes. As per the revamped combined weights, Food & Beverages has been reduced from 45.86 to 36.75 (by 9.11), Clothing & Footwear from 6.53 to 6.38 (by 0.15), and Education Services from 4.46 to 3.33 (by 1.13). Thus, the combined weightage of these basic and indispensable items has been deliberately reduced by over 10.39 points, despite the fact that these groups constitute the most unavoidable components of consumption expenditure for the overwhelming majority of the workforce. These components have witnessed sharp price increases and absorb most of workers’ earnings. Despite this reality, the weights on these indispensable items have been slashed.

Since food and basic necessities constitute the largest share of expenditure for workers, lowering their weight mechanically suppresses headline inflation during periods when workers face the sharpest price rise. This is not a neutral statistical adjustment, but a structural attack against the working class, exposing the pro-corporate bias of the Government.

This, in turn, enables employers to save enormous amounts through minimal or reduced Dearness Allowance payments for all sections of salaried working people. The basket size has also been expanded by including an additional 59 items, raising the total number of items to 358 from 299, with the inclusion of 49 additional items in goods and 10 items in services. Even in this exercise, essential items have been grossly under-rated to accommodate items such as international airfares and other non-essentials that are irrelevant to the vast majority of workers. The motive and purpose are clearly to artificially under-rate the Consumer Price Index.

The revised methodology assumes that consumers respond to price rise by substituting expensive items with cheaper alternatives. For workers, consumption is largely inelastic in nature; any reduction in consumption reflects distress and compulsion, not choice. CITU therefore objects to the application of “quality adjustment methods” and the frequent replacement of items in the CPI basket. While such methods may be relevant for consumer durables used by higher-income groups, they are meaningless for essential goods and services.

CITU further opposes the changing pattern of price collection and the adoption of the 2018 Classification of Individual Consumption According to Purpose (COICOP). These methods increasingly rely on organised retail, standardised outlets and digital e-commerce price data. Workers and the poor largely depend on local markets, informal retail, public distribution systems and informal housing, where prices are often higher and more volatile. Excluding or under-representing these price points disconnects CPI from the lived price reality of the working class.

CITU also opposes the repeated and frequent base-year changes and the statistical linking of old and new CPI series, which break historical continuity and weaken long-term measurement of cost of living. Each base revision effectively resets accumulated inflation and erodes the basis on which DA and wages have been negotiated over decades.

The Annual Survey of Industries reveals that the share of wages in net value added has fallen sharply from 30.27 per cent in 1981–82 to 15.97 per cent in 2023–24, while employers’ profit share has risen from 23.39 per cent to 51.01 per cent during the same period. The new CPI series, by negatively altering weights, will further boost profits and intensify the squeeze on workers’ wages. At a time when the Indian economy is already facing severe demand constraints due to declining purchasing power of the masses, these changes will further aggravate the crisis. Prices rise immediately, but compensation is delayed, reduced or denied altogether; inflation is not eliminated, but is instead transferred to workers and pensioners through statistical redesign.

CITU calls upon the working people of India to intensify the campaign against the anti-worker 2024 new Consumer Price Index series as part of the ongoing mobilisation for the 12th February General Strike, and to make the strike a resounding success to halt the new series along with other demands of the General Strike.

Issued by,

(Elamaram Kareem)
General Secretary

Calls Upon the working Class to March towards the 12 February 2026 General Strike - to protect the sovereignty and the interests of the people and the Nation.

The Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) flays the Modi Government for shamelessly surrendering to the US pressure under some mischievous and hidden reasons; the clandestine Bilateral Trade Agreement, as announced by the US President, if it comes into action, will be the most deadly action against the interests of crores of Indian workers, peasants, and Indian economic sovereignty at large. This surrender blatantly exposes the anti-National, anti-People character of the Modi government.

The desperation clearly vindicates CITU’s position on the US tariff as a weapon to subjugate other countries and finally to impose trade deals jeopardising the sovereignty of other nations in general and India in particular. This is a direct transfer of crisis, and the impact will be irreversible damage to the Indian economy and the livelihood of the people.

As per the claim by Mr. Trump, the Indian Government has agreed to stop buying cheaper Russian oil (40% of our total oil imports) and promised to purchase high-priced or low-quality oil from the US; along with this, the Modi Government has promised to reduce tariffs and non-tariff barriers on US goods to zero.

Further, Trump’s claim that Prime Minister Modi has committed to “buy American” at much higher levels, in addition to over USD 500 billion worth of US energy, technology, agricultural products, coal, and other goods, will severely hit Indian industries and the workers employed in them.

Certainly, the import duty exemptions on various goods proposed in the Budget are in line with that policy itself. The proposals for duty-free imports of civil aviation goods, customs exemptions on nuclear energy imports until 2037, tax holidays for foreign companies investing in data cloud centres in India until 2047, and the reduction of duty from 20 per cent to 10 per cent on imports of goods for personal use predominantly serve the interests of foreign corporates, particularly those from the USA.

The timing of the US President’s assent to the operationalisation of the Indo-US nuclear framework terms, soon after the Sustainable Harnessing and Advancement of Nuclear Energy for Transforming India (SHANTI) Bill, 2025 was passed by Parliament in December 2025 — exempting civil liability of companies supplying equipment, technology, and constructing nuclear reactors — was an earlier similar step by Trump in response to the Modi Government’s initiatives to serve the interests of US corporates.

The US Secretary of Agriculture has posted this as the victory of the “America First” agenda and expects that US agricultural products will flood India’s massive market. This will push the agrarian crisis further.

The grand silence of Mr Modi on all these aspects, while thanking for keeping the reciprocal tariff at 18 per cent, speaks volumes about the underlying surrender of the interests of the Indian people to US corporate and imperialist interests, and raises questions about the hidden reasons behind this sudden move.

CITU flays the Modi Government’s surrender to US arm-twisting tactics and demands that the Government place the ongoing Indo-US Bilateral Trade Agreement before Parliament. CITU warns that any advancement without discussion with the stakeholders — the workers, farmers, traders, and civil society organisations — will cause massive agitation across the country. CITU calls upon the Indian working class to campaign against this unacceptable surrender to US imperialism and march towards the 12th February General Strike — to protect the sovereignty and the interests of the people and the nation.

Issued by,
(Elamaram Kareem)
General Secretary

The Union Budget 2026–27 presented by Smt. Nirmala Sitharaman appears inconsequential and directionless, even as the Economic Survey 2025–26 itself acknowledges that the Indian economy has reached a critical juncture, with the global environment undergoing geopolitical realignments that will influence investment flows, supply chains, and growth prospects for years to come. The Budget neither addresses these core challenges nor offers any meaningful policy shift to prepare India for the turbulent global situation.

As consistently warned by CITU and other Central Trade Unions, both the Economic Survey and the Budget seek to manage the crisis of the global capitalist order by shifting its burden onto the working class and the common people. The so-called reform agenda continues to centre on the notification of anti-worker Labour Codes and the dilution of quality control norms, undermining labour rights and domestic industry. The Budget speech began with rhetoric on “Yuva Shakti” but ended with a proposal for a high-powered “Education to Employment and Enterprise” Standing Committee with targets extending up to 2047. The youth of India need decent and secure employment now, not distant promises.

The Finance Minister’s record ninth consecutive Budget serves as a numerical façade concealing an economy in deep distress. In its pursuit of a 4.3 per cent fiscal deficit target and a reduction of the debt-to-GDP ratio to 55.6 per cent, the government has placed macro-fiscal optics above the pressing realities of hunger and unemployment. This is a squeeze Budget that withdraws liquidity from the hands of the poor; despite a total expenditure of ₹53.5 lakh crore, the real picture reveals a systematic erosion of social support.

There is no serious attempt to raise revenue by taxing highly profitable corporates. Instead, a 12.49 per cent rise in non-tax revenue in 2026–27 is driven mainly by a projected 16.9 per cent increase in dividends from PSUs, effectively squeezing them and pushing them into competition with private players rather than strengthening public assets. Increasing dependence on non-tax revenue will be finally instrumental for increasing burden and squeeze on people. The 49.5 per cent jump in external grants between BE 2025–26 and BE 2026–27 raises concerns over policy autonomy, fiscal sustainability, and exposure to external pressures. Increasing burden of debt servicing and interest liabilities has been forcing atrocious cut in development and welfare related budget allocations as visible in this budget also.

The Budget is a blatant gift to the billionaire class. The Minimum Alternate Tax (MAT) has been reduced from 15 per cent to 14 per cent, corporate safe-harbour provisions have been expanded, and the timeline for Advanced Pricing Agreements (APAs) has been shortened to two years, easing scrutiny of multinational corporations. Meanwhile, the common people face a ₹28.7 lakh crore net tax burden driven by regressive GST and personal income tax. For the first time, personal income tax collections (₹14.66 lakh crore) exceed corporate tax collections (₹12.31 lakh crore).

Further concessions include a five-year tax holiday for non-residents supplying capital goods to toll manufacturers in bonded zones and customs duty waivers on raw materials for aircraft parts and critical medical components for private manufacturers—socialising risks while privatising profits. The budget has furthered its decriminalization process for the tax evaders and corporates in the guise of ease of business.

The target of ₹80,000 crore worth of disinvestment and the deceptive claim of ease of living through the reduction of import duty from 20 per cent to 10 per cent on goods for personal use have been announced, while the flagship programme, PM Vishwakarma Yojana, has witnessed a reduced allocation—from ₹3,993 crore in the 2024–25 actuals to ₹3,891 crore.

The Budget serves the corporate classes by further expanding and increasing allocations for incentives. The Electronics Components Manufacturing Subsidy 2.0, with an outlay of ₹40,000 crore, the customs duty exemption on imports for nuclear power projects until 2035, and the tax holiday for foreign companies investing in data centres until 2047 clearly demonstrate the pro-corporate priorities of the government.

The allocation in Railway promotes elitification, pouring resources into seven high-speed rail corridors such as Mumbai–Pune and Hyderabad–Chennai, while ordinary passengers endure overcrowded coaches and senior citizen concessions remain unrestored. Telecom infrastructure allocations for private service providers have surged from ₹9,650 crore to ₹24,000 crore, directly subsidising private players. Despite tall claims on AI and innovation, allocations for India’s AI Mission have been slashed from ₹2,000 crore to ₹1,000 crore.

Increased capital expenditure is being financed through aggressive asset monetisation and privatisation via InvITs, REITs, NIIF, NaBFID, and proposed public-asset-specific REITs. This reflects a two-pronged strategy: extracting higher dividends from PSUs to plug fiscal gaps and handing over public assets to private corporates for profit.

While infrastructure spending has risen in defence, metro, maritime sectors, and railways, increased leasing of railway assets signals further monetisation. The proposed Rare Earth Corridors in Odisha, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu under a ₹7,280 crore magnet scheme threaten the displacement of tribal communities and environmental destruction. The ₹10 lakh crore asset-recycling roadmap over five years amounts to a fire sale of CPSE land and infrastructure. Health allocation stands at a meagre ₹1.01 lakh crore, only 1.96 per cent of total expenditure, while “Biopharma Shakti” of ₹10,000 crore has been created as a grant to big pharma.

Although the budget is presented as a landmark initiative for supporting MSMEs, in reality, the actual increase in budgetary allocations for MSMEs appears to be narrowly oriented towards activities which are largely situated at the lower end of production hierarchies. On the other hand, the government has allowed SEZ units to sell in the Domestic Tariff Area at concessional duties, undermining domestic firms. This reveals a consistent policy of shielding capital from risk while leaving labour unprotected.

Agriculture-related schemes such as PMKSY, RKVY, PM-Kisan, and crop insurance show no real increase after adjusting for inflation, despite the deepening agrarian crisis. Fertiliser allocations have been cut by 8.4 per cent, while food subsidy allocations remain stagnant. Claims of boosting agricultural productivity are therefore misleading. There is no increase in allocation for the basic services schemes, resulting in no scope of improvement either in the services or the wages and conditions of the scheme workers.

Welfare allocations for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, North-Eastern regions, agriculture, rural development, education, health, and social welfare have been cut. The Gender Budget has been reduced by ₹51,144 crore. Urban development allocations have fallen by 13.16 per cent despite claims of promoting city economic regions.

Though allocations for energy and nuclear research have increased, these are clearly aimed at facilitating private entry rather than strengthening public research, with private sector entry into nuclear power at the core of this policy. Despite higher R&D spending under RDI and BIO-RIDE, allocations for public sector manufacturing, solar power, and PSU investment have declined or stagnated, even as schemes such as KUSUM and PM Surya Ghar Muft Bijli Yojana have seen manifold increases, indicating indirect subsidisation of private capital.

The stagnation of employment in the formal sectors has pushed millions into insecure gig work. Despite repeated references in the Economic Survey, the Budget provides no allocation for gig workers’ welfare and fails to honour even existing commitments, let alone provide legal recognition. Similarly, no budgetary allocation has been made for the other sections of the unorganized workers.

This is a completely anti-people and anti-working-class Budget at a time when Indian workers are struggling to survive amid economic turmoil. The Budget provides grants to private corporates while betraying the interests of the people. It is promoting de-growth in real terms and further worsen distributive equity in the already prevailing obscene inequality scenario.

CITU unequivocally rejects this anti-worker, pro-corporate Budget and calls upon the working people of India to intensify united resistance against these policies, to come onto the streets, and to march towards the 12 February General Strike.

Issued by   

Elamaram Kareem
General Secretary

The Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) welcomes the Supreme Court verdict recognising the right to menstrual hygiene. On 29 January 2026, the Supreme Court issued directives to ensure free access to sanitary pads and separate, gender-segregated toilets with usable water connectivity for girls studying in Classes VI to XII in all schools across the country.

In response to a plea filed by Dr Jaya Thakur, a social activist, the Court further ordered the establishment of Menstrual Health Management (MHM) Corners equipped with spare uniforms, innerwear, and disposal bags to address menstruation-related exigencies faced by girls. The directive forms part of a comprehensive judgment directing all States and Union Territories to ensure that “all existing and newly constructed toilets in schools shall be designed, constructed, and maintained so as to ensure privacy and accessibility, including by catering to the needs of children with disabilities. All school toilets shall be equipped with functional hand-washing facilities with soap and water available at all times.”

Justices J.B. Pardiwala and R. Mahadevan have acknowledged that menstrual hygiene is not merely a health issue, but a fundamental component of the Right to Life (Article 21) and the Right to Education (Article 21A), in addition to the Right to Equality (Article 14), which is reflected through the right to participate on equal terms.

According to various studies, 23 per cent of rural girls drop out of school upon reaching puberty. Nearly 23 million girls drop out of school every year not because they do not wish to continue their education, but because their schools lack changing rooms, toilets with water, and cleaning facilities. They also lack access to menstrual hygiene products such as sanitary pads. Social stigma and taboos surrounding menstruation, as well as harassment by fellow students, further contribute to school dropouts. Even girls who continue schooling tend to miss classes during menstruation every month, resulting in the loss of 10 to 20 per cent of school days annually. This has serious adverse impacts on their education. School dropouts also lead to an increase in child labour and child marriage.

It is in this context that CITU welcomes the Supreme Court directive, which can play a significant role in reducing the dropout rate of girls from schools. If implemented effectively, it can also strengthen efforts to improve menstrual hygiene and reproductive health among adolescent girls. As rightly directed by the Court, conducting awareness and training programmes on menstrual hygiene and adolescent health is equally vital.

In some States, such as Kerala, educational institutions provide menstrual leave to girl students. The demands raised by the All-India Coordination Committee of Working Women (CITU) for two days of menstrual leave per month and the installation of sanitary pad vending machines at workplaces and higher educational institutions stand vindicated by the Supreme Court verdict. At the same time, a strong socio-cultural struggle must be waged against all taboos related to menstruation.

CITU calls upon the working class in general, and working women in particular, to actively take up the issue of implementation of the Supreme Court’s directions and to continue campaigns and struggles in support of the rights of girl children and working women.

Issued by

Elamaram Kareem

General Secretary

CITU expresses its deep concern over the most unfortunate and unconstitutional statement made by the Chief Justice of India on 29 January 2026 while hearing the Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed in Penn Thozhilalargal Sangam vs Union of India (W.P.(C) No. 42/2026). Unfortunately, the words of the CJI appeared to resemble those of the advocates of already failed neoliberal policies. It is further embarrassing that the rationale advanced in the statement has neither theoretical soundness nor empirical validity. On the other hand, there exist hundreds of examples which show that organised and protected labour actually contributes more to the growth of productivity.

The statement came at a time when the country is moving towards the 12 February General Strike called by the joint platform of almost the entire trade union movement against the imposition of the Labour Codes. The Labour Codes are designed with the perspective that weakening the right to unionisation and leaving workers defenceless before the attacks of the employer class is the only way towards Ease of Doing Business. The Indian working class has resolutely established the inappropriateness, rather the impropriety, of this theory. Regrettably, the statement of the CJI resembled the political-economic illogic of the Modi Government.

CITU points out that such a statement, particularly from the custodian of the Constitution, undermines the fundamental constitutional right to association. The insinuating remark that trade union leaders are largely responsible for stopping industrial growth in the country can in no way be substantiated by facts on the ground. However, the right to association for Indian workers is a fundamental right guaranteed under Article 19(1)(c) of the Indian Constitution. This right is regulated by the Trade Unions Act, 1926 (together with subsequent amendments), which provides for registration and legal immunity for union activities. It enables collective bargaining and representation of workers’ interests.

Be it the four labour codes, the Shram Shakti Niti, the dismantling of MGNREGA, various incentive programmes, or legislations accelerating the expropriation of the country’s resources for private gains — all form part of the aggressive restructuring of the Indian state in favour of capital and the fast-withering away of the welfare state as envisaged in the Indian Constitution. The statement exposes the changing nature of the Indian state in a very dangerous manner.

As far as the CJI’s statement blaming trade unions for industrial closures is concerned, it is totally divorced from factual reality. The Labour Bureau’s reports on “Industrial Disputes, Closures, Retrenchments, and Lay-offs in India” are the most comprehensive and objective sources of data on the matter. A closer look at the data reveals a significant decline in industrial disputes, reaching a 17-year low in 2023, with only 30 disputes reported by September 2023. This marks a stark contrast to 2006, which saw the highest number of disputes at 430, followed by 421 in 2008 and 389 in 2007.

From 2006 to 2014, the average number of industrial disputes was 354, but this figure dropped sharply to just 76 between 2015 and 2023. In fact, the total number of industrial disputes has been less than 100 each year since 2018. Moreover, the phenomenon of industrial closures, both legal and illegal, across the states of the country, if examined closely, would reveal that the incidence of closures is much higher in states where the trade union movement is visibly weak or minimal.

Conversely, in a recent written response in the Lok Sabha, the Minister of State for Corporate Affairs, Harsh Malhotra, stated that 2,04,268 private companies were closed over five years due to amalgamation, conversion, dissolution, or being struck off under the Companies Act, 2013. Further, the figures of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board of India (IBBI) also vindicate the nature and reasons for the closure of industries and the percentage of recovery of debts by creditor public sector banks.

Hence, contrary to the illogical claims of neoliberal apologists, it is not industrial disputes by trade unions that are forcing industrial units to close down. On the contrary, it is the crisis within the capitalist neoliberal order and the unbridled concentration and financialisation of the economy, at the cost of the MSME and the productive sector as a whole, that have led to increasing industrial closures. Trade unions can in no way be made a scapegoat to cover up the failure of the policy regime and economic governance.

The Hon’ble CJI also ridiculed the plea for minimum wages for domestic workers, whereas in many states scheduled minimum wages for domestic workers are already in operation. CITU urges the CJI to review and reconsider the statement.

CITU reaffirms that the upcoming 12 February General Strike, called by the central trade unions and supported by the Samyukt Kisan Morcha and the platform of unions of agricultural and rural workers, is not only to defend the hard-earned rights of the Indian people but also to defend and save the national economy from a perverse economic order and governance. The working class has never received anything through the benevolence of institutions or governments; it is only through struggles and sacrifices that rights have been earned and defended, not only for workers but for the people and society as a whole.

Issued by,
(Elamaram Kareem)
General Secretary.

Arrest ‘Wow! Momo’ Owners; Take Judicial Action against the Government Officials Responsible for this Brutal Massacre!

The Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) expresses its deepest grief and boiling rage over the horrific fire that broke out at the Najirabad warehouse complex in Anandapur, Kolkata, on January 26, 2026. This is not a ‘natural disaster’ or a ‘mere accident’; it is a cold-blooded institutional murder of the workers, born out of a criminal nexus between greedy corporates and a complicit state administration run by the Trinamool Congress.

As of 29 January 2026, the death toll has tragically climbed to 21 charred bodies, with nearly 28 workers still missing, most of whom were migrant workers from districts like Purba Medinipur, forced to use the warehouse as a makeshift night shelter. The real death toll may be much higher, and there exists every possibility that the State Government will try to suppress the numbers.

The workers were locked in from the outside during their rest hours and could not come out of the warehouse after the fire broke out. This is a chilling hallmark of modern-day slavery and a direct consequence of the predatory practices of brands like ‘Wow! Momo’.

This tragedy exposes a systemic pattern wherein such brands build their empires by flagrantly violating all labour laws, showing total disregard for regulated working hours, overtime compensation, and the right to association. By stripping workers of their social security protections, including their fundamental rights to ESI and Provident Fund, they have left families without a safety net, all while forcing employees to operate in death traps devoid of fire extinguishers, emergency exits, or basic ventilation.

CITU raises a piercing question to the TMC-run state government — why, even after three days of this carnage, have the owners of the ‘Wow! Momo’ brand not been arrested? Why do the billionaire owners of this food giant remain free, shielded by their proximity to the corridors of power of the TMC government?

This tragedy is the direct result of the TMC government’s active complicity in allowing industrial giants to landfill and encroach upon the protected lowlands and wetlands of the East Kolkata Wetlands, bypassing every environmental norm. The State Labour Department’s criminal callousness is on full display; by intentionally failing to conduct mandatory industrial inspections and fire audits, they have turned the city into a graveyard for the working poor. The State Labour Department must be held strictly accountable for its role in this institutional murder of the workers.

CITU condemns the TMC government’s attempt to hide the true scale of the horror by cordoning off the area and imposing Section 163 (BNS). CITU demands the immediate arrest of the ‘Wow! Momo’ owners on charges of culpable homicide (Section 105 of BNS). Accountability must be fixed on the high-ranking officials of the State Labour Department and Fire Services, who must be suspended and prosecuted for criminal negligence.

Our non-negotiable demands include a minimum compensation of Rs 25 lakhs for the family of every deceased worker; a lifetime monthly pension for the dependent family members; guaranteed government employment to one member of each bereaved family; and the State Government must ensure free, high-quality education for the children of the victims until the completion of their studies.

We also demand a time-bound judicial inquiry by a sitting High Court judge and an immediate statewide safety audit of all industrial warehouses. The illegally built warehouses over the wetlands and those operating without any fire and safety protocols should be closed immediately.

CITU calls upon the working class of West Bengal to rise in protest against this corporate-servile TMC government that treats workers’ lives as disposable fodder for profit, and calls upon all its affiliates to immediately conduct protest and solidarity actions across the nation.

Issued by

Elamaram Kareem

General Secretary

The Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) denounces the three-year Public–Private Partnership (PPP) Project Pipeline of Rs 17 trillion announced by the Department of Economic Affairs (DEA), Ministry of Finance, Government of India, as a policy initiative aimed at expanding private corporate control over publicly planned and funded infrastructure, detrimental to the interests of the people of India. CITU has been opposing the PPP model from the very beginning as it is nothing but the model of public spending and private profiteering.

The PPP Project Pipeline, anchored in the National Infrastructure Pipeline (NIP) and articulated following policy directions in the Union Budget 2025–26, seeks to promote large-scale private control, including foreign capital, primarily in greenfield and under-construction infrastructure projects. These projects span highways, railways, power and energy, transport and logistics, and water–sanitation sectors, where the State undertakes major financial, regulatory, and demand risks while private entities are assured long-term revenue streams.

The Pipeline, comprising 852 projects, includes 232 projects worth Rs. 13.15 trillion under central ministries and departments, and 620 projects worth Rs. 3.85 trillion under States and Union Territories. The Ministry of Road Transport and Highways accounts for 108 projects with a total cost of Rs. 8.77 trillion, followed by the Ministry of Power with 48 projects worth Rs. 3.04 trillion. Andhra Pradesh has the largest number of projects at 270 with a total cost of Rs. 1.16 trillion, followed by Uttar Pradesh with 89 projects amounting to Rs. 11,518 crore.

Private participation under the PPP Project Pipeline is proposed through long-term concession-based contractual models such as Build–Operate–Transfer (BOT), Design–Build–Finance–Operate–Transfer (DBFOT), Hybrid Annuity Model (HAM), Build–Own–Operate–Transfer (BOOT), and projects supported through Viability Gap Funding (VGF). These models enable private capital to secure assured returns through user charges, annuity payments, and fiscal support, even as public funds, guarantees, and regulatory concessions form the backbone of investment.

The PPP Project Pipeline represents a disastrous policy of subordinating future public infrastructure to corporate profit imperatives, burdening the people with user fees and long-term fiscal liabilities, despite the predominant role of public finance and risk absorption by the State.

In essence, the PPP Project Pipeline amounts to the long-term transfer of operational control and revenue rights over nationally planned infrastructure in the name of partnership and efficiency. It deepens neo-liberal restructuring by placing essential public infrastructure at the service of corporate interests under the Modi-led government at the Centre. CITU strongly condemns the PPP Project Pipeline and calls upon the working people to resist this policy to safeguard national assets and public services.

Issued by,

Elamaram Kareem

General Secretary

The 4th day of the 18th CITU All-India Conference transformed the port city of Visakhapatnam into a bastion of working-class internationalism today. More than 1,500 delegates and volunteers staged a massive, spontaneous demonstration at RK Beach, bringing traffic to a standstill in a powerful show of solidarity with the people of Venezuela.

In a stirring display of defiance, the conference unanimously adopted a resolution—moved by Sudip Dutta and seconded by Meenakshi Sundaram—vehemently condemning US imperialist aggression and the bombardment of Venezuelan territory. The protesters issued a stern, uncompromising demand for the immediate release of President Nicolás Maduro, standing firmly in defense of the sovereignty of the Bolivarian Republic. Amidst thunderous slogans, the delegates sent a clear message that the fight of the Indian working class is inextricably linked to the global resistance against imperialist interference and for the right of nations to self-determination.

Building upon the seminal paper, "Towards Building An Alternative Policies," presented by General Secretary Tapan Sen, the conference floor transformed into a site of intense strategic planning. Delegates emphasized that the current economic trajectory, dictated by neoliberal interests, necessitates a radical shift toward worker-centric policies. They framed the Alternatives paper as the indispensable ideological backbone for the struggles ahead, providing a blueprint to challenge the status quo and reclaim the rights of the toiling masses.

The momentum of the proceedings was further galvanized by the adoption of three additional crucial resolutions addressing the most immediate challenges facing the Indian workforce. The first, addressing increasing industrial accidents and the deterioration of workplace safety, was moved by Chukka Ramulu and seconded by P. V. Aniyan. The resolution highlighted a harrowing trend of declining safety standards and demanded the immediate reinstatement of rigorous safety audits and the absolute accountability of industrial management.

Resolution against communalism - K N Umesh, supported by Kailash, Resolution on massive mobilisation on 8 March on working women's issues - S Varalakshmi, supported by Pramod Pradhan.

Continuing the offensive against privatization, Deepa Rajan moved a resolution to oppose the privatization of electricity and the Electricity Amendment Bill 2025, seconded by Shankar Dutta. The conference denounced the bill as a predatory mechanism designed to transfer public assets to private monopolies, vowing to resist any attempt to turn a basic necessity into a source of corporate profit. Finally, the conference addressed the burning issue of retirement justice. R. Karumalaiyan moved a comprehensive resolution to strengthen EPS-95, scrap NPS/UPS, and restore the Old Pension Scheme (OPS), seconded by Lalit Mishra. CITU reiterated its demand for a universal pension to guarantee a life of dignity for all, serving as a clarion call for a nationwide intensification of the class struggle against exploitative policies.

Issued By
Tapan Sen
General Secretary